Tuesday, November 29, 2011

Google 2.4% Rate Shows How $60 Billion Lost to Tax Loopholes Q By Jesse Drucker



Google Inc. cut its taxes by $3.1 billion in the last three years using a technique that moves most of its foreign profits through Ireland and the Netherlands to Bermuda.

Google’s income shifting -- involving strategies known to lawyers as the “Double Irish” and the “Dutch Sandwich” -- helped reduce its overseas tax rate to 2.4 percent, the lowest of the top five U.S. technology companies by market capitalization, according to regulatory filings in six countries.

“It’s remarkable that Google’s effective rate is that low,” said Martin A. Sullivan, a tax economist who formerly worked for the U.S. Treasury Department. “We know this company operates throughout the world mostly in high-tax countries where the average corporate rate is well over 20 percent.”

The U.S. corporate income-tax rate is 35 percent. In the U.K., Google’s second-biggest market by revenue, it’s 28 percent.

Google, the owner of the world’s most popular search engine, uses a strategy that has gained favor among such companies as Facebook Inc. and Microsoft Corp. The method takes advantage of Irish tax law to legally shuttle profits into and out of subsidiaries there, largely escaping the country’s 12.5 percent income tax. (See an interactive graphic on Google’s tax strategy here.)

The earnings wind up in island havens that levy no corporate income taxes at all. Companies that use the Double Irish arrangement avoid taxes at home and abroad as the U.S. government struggles to close a projected $1.4 trillion budget gap and European Union countries face a collective projected deficit of 868 billion euros.

Countless Companies

Google, the third-largest U.S. technology company by market capitalization, hasn’t been accused of breaking tax laws. “Google’s practices are very similar to those at countless other global companies operating across a wide range of industries,” said Jane Penner, a spokeswoman for the Mountain View, California-based company. Penner declined to address the particulars of its tax strategies.

Facebook, the world’s biggest social network, is preparing a structure similar to Google’s that will send earnings from Ireland to the Cayman Islands, according to the company’s filings in Ireland and the Caymans and to a person familiar with its plans. A spokesman for the Palo Alto, California-based company declined to comment.

Transfer Pricing

The tactics of Google and Facebook depend on “transfer pricing,” paper transactions among corporate subsidiaries that allow for allocating income to tax havens while attributing expenses to higher-tax countries. Such income shifting costs the U.S. government as much as $60 billion in annual revenue, according to Kimberly A. Clausing, an economics professor at Reed College in Portland, Oregon.

U.S. Representative Dave Camp of Michigan, the ranking Republican on the House Ways and Means Committee, and other politicians say the 35 percent U.S. statutory rate is too high relative to foreign countries. International income-shifting, which helped cut Google’s overall effective tax rate to 22.2 percent last year, shows one way that loopholes undermine that top U.S. rate.

Two thousand U.S. companies paid a median effective cash rate of 28.3 percent in federal, state and foreign income taxes in a 2005 study by academics at the University of Michigan and the University of North Carolina. The combined national-local statutory rate is 34.4 percent in France, 30.2 percent in Germany and 39.5 percent in Japan, according to the Paris-based Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.

The Double Irish

As a strategy for limiting taxes, the Double Irish method is “very common at the moment, particularly with companies with intellectual property,” said Richard Murphy, director of U.K.- based Tax Research LLP. Murphy, who has worked on similar transactions, estimates that hundreds of multinationals use some version of the method.

The high corporate tax rate in the U.S. motivates companies to move activities and related income to lower-tax countries, said Irving H. Plotkin, a senior managing director at PricewaterhouseCoopers LLP’s national tax practice in Boston. He delivered a presentation in Washington, D.C. this year titled “Transfer Pricing is Not a Four Letter Word.”

“A company’s obligation to its shareholders is to try to minimize its taxes and all costs, but to do so legally,” Plotkin said in an interview.

Boosting Earnings

Google’s transfer pricing contributed to international tax benefits that boosted its earnings by 26 percent last year, company filings show. Based on a rough analysis, if the company paid taxes at the 35 percent rate on all its earnings, its share price might be reduced by about $100, said Clayton Moran, an analyst at Benchmark Co. in Boca Raton, Florida. He recommends buying Google stock, which closed yesterday at $607.98.

The company, which tells employees “don’t be evil” in its code of conduct, has cut its effective tax rate abroad more than its peers in the technology sector: Apple Inc., the maker of the iPhone; Microsoft, the largest software company; International Business Machines Corp., the biggest computer-services provider; and Oracle Corp., the second-biggest software company. Those companies reported rates that ranged between 4.5 percent and 25.8 percent for 2007 through 2009.

Google is “flying a banner of doing no evil, and then they’re perpetrating evil under our noses,” said Abraham J. Briloff, a professor emeritus of accounting at Baruch College in New York who has examined Google’s tax disclosures.

“Who is it that paid for the underlying concept on which they built these billions of dollars of revenues?” Briloff said. “It was paid for by the United States citizenry.”

Taxpayer Funding

The U.S. National Science Foundation funded the mid-1990s research at Stanford University that helped lead to Google’s creation. Taxpayers also paid for a scholarship for the company’s cofounder, Sergey Brin, while he worked on that research. Google now has a stock market value of $194.2 billion.

Google’s annual reports from 2007 to 2009 ascribe a cumulative $3.1 billion tax savings to the “foreign rate differential.” Such entries typically describe how much tax U.S. companies save from profits earned overseas.

In February, the Obama administration proposed measures to curb shifting profits offshore, part of a package intended to raise $12 billion a year over the coming decade. While the key proposals largely haven’t advanced in Congress, the IRS said in April it would devote additional agents and lawyers to focus on five large transfer pricing arrangements.

Arm’s Length

Income shifting commonly begins when companies like Google sell or license the foreign rights to intellectual property developed in the U.S. to a subsidiary in a low-tax country. That means foreign profits based on the technology get attributed to the offshore unit, not the parent. Under U.S. tax rules, subsidiaries must pay “arm’s length” prices for the rights -- or the amount an unrelated company would.

Because the payments contribute to taxable income, the parent company has an incentive to set them as low as possible. Cutting the foreign subsidiary’s expenses effectively shifts profits overseas.

After three years of negotiations, Google received approval from the IRS in 2006 for its transfer pricing arrangement, according to filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission.

The IRS gave its consent in a secret pact known as an advanced pricing agreement. Google wouldn’t discuss the price set under the arrangement, which licensed the rights to its search and advertising technology and other intangible property for Europe, the Middle East and Africa to a unit called Google Ireland Holdings, according to a person familiar with the matter.

Dublin Office

That licensee in turn owns Google Ireland Limited, which employs almost 2,000 people in a silvery glass office building in central Dublin, a block from the city’s Grand Canal. The Dublin subsidiary sells advertising globally and was credited by Google with 88 percent of its $12.5 billion in non-U.S. sales in 2009.

Allocating the revenue to Ireland helps Google avoid income taxes in the U.S., where most of its technology was developed. The arrangement also reduces the company’s liabilities in relatively high-tax European countries where many of its customers are located.

The profits don’t stay with the Dublin subsidiary, which reported pretax income of less than 1 percent of sales in 2008, according to Irish records. That’s largely because it paid $5.4 billion in royalties to Google Ireland Holdings, which has its “effective centre of management” in Bermuda, according to company filings.

Law Firm Directors

This Bermuda-managed entity is owned by a pair of Google subsidiaries that list as their directors two attorneys and a manager at Conyers Dill & Pearman, a Hamilton, Bermuda law firm.

Tax planners call such an arrangement a Double Irish because it relies on two Irish companies. One pays royalties to use intellectual property, generating expenses that reduce Irish taxable income. The second collects the royalties in a tax haven like Bermuda, avoiding Irish taxes.

To steer clear of an Irish withholding tax, payments from Google’s Dublin unit don’t go directly to Bermuda. A brief detour to the Netherlands avoids that liability, because Irish tax law exempts certain royalties to companies in other EU- member nations. The fees first go to a Dutch unit, Google Netherlands Holdings B.V., which pays out about 99.8 percent of what it collects to the Bermuda entity, company filings show. The Amsterdam-based subsidiary lists no employees.

The Dutch Sandwich

Inserting the Netherlands stopover between two other units gives rise to the “Dutch Sandwich” nickname.

“The sandwich leaves no tax behind to taste,” said Murphy of Tax Research LLP.

Microsoft, based in Redmond, Washington, has also used a Double Irish structure, according to company filings overseas. Forest Laboratories Inc., maker of the antidepressant Lexapro, does as well, Bloomberg News reported in May. The New York-based drug manufacturer claims that most of its profits are earned overseas even though its sales are almost entirely in the U.S. Forest later disclosed that its transfer pricing was being audited by the IRS.

Since the 1960s, Ireland has pursued a strategy of offering tax incentives to attract multinationals. A lesser-appreciated aspect of Ireland’s appeal is that it allows companies to shift income out of the country with minimal tax consequences, said Jim Stewart, a senior lecturer in finance at Trinity College’s school of business in Dublin.

Getting Profits Out

“You accumulate profits within Ireland, but then you get them out of the country relatively easily,” Stewart said. “And you do it by using Bermuda.”

Eoin Dorgan, a spokesman for the Irish Department of Finance, declined to comment on Google’s strategies specifically. “Ireland always seeks to ensure that the profits charged in Ireland fully reflect the functions, assets and risks located here by multinational groups,” he said.

Once Google’s non-U.S. profits hit Bermuda, they become difficult to track. The subsidiary managed there changed its legal form of organization in 2006 to become a so-called unlimited liability company. Under Irish rules, that means it’s not required to disclose such financial information as income statements or balance sheets.

“Sticking an unlimited company in the group structure has become more common in Ireland, largely to prevent disclosure,” Stewart said.

Deferred Indefinitely

Technically, multinationals that shift profits overseas are deferring U.S. income taxes, not avoiding them permanently. The deferral lasts until companies decide to bring the earnings back to the U.S. In practice, they rarely repatriate significant portions, thus avoiding the taxes indefinitely, said Michelle Hanlon, an accounting professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

U.S. policy makers, meanwhile, have taken halting steps to address concerns about transfer pricing. In 2009, the Treasury Department proposed levying taxes on certain payments between U.S. companies’ foreign subsidiaries.

Treasury officials, who estimated the policy change would raise $86.5 billion in new revenue over the next decade, dropped it after Congress and Treasury were lobbied by companies, including manufacturing and media conglomerate General Electric Co., health-product maker Johnson & Johnson and coffee giant Starbucks Corp., according to federal disclosures compiled by the non-profit Center for Responsive Politics.

Administration Concerned

While the administration “remains concerned” about potential abuses, officials decided “to defer consideration of how to reform those rules until they can be studied more broadly,” said Sandra Salstrom, a Treasury spokeswoman. The White House still proposes to tax excessive profits of offshore subsidiaries as a curb on income shifting, she said.

The rules for transfer pricing should be replaced with a system that allocates profits among countries the way most U.S. states with a corporate income tax do -- based on such aspects as sales or number of employees in each jurisdiction, said Reuven S. Avi-Yonah, director of the international tax program at the University of Michigan Law School.

“The system is broken and I think it needs to be scrapped,” said Avi-Yonah, also a special counsel at law firm Steptoe & Johnson LLP in Washington D.C. “Companies are getting away with murder.”

To contact the reporter on this story: Jesse Drucker in New York at jdrucker4@bloomberg.net.

South Korea Rolls Out Robotic Prison Wardens


Posted by JacobSloan on November 29, 2011

robotIncarceration just got a lot more adorable. Via the BBC:

A jail in the eastern city of Pohang plans to run a month-long trial with three of the automatons in March. The machines will monitor inmates for abnormal behaviour.

South Korea aims to be a world leaders in robotics. Business leaders believe the field has the potential to become a major export industry.

The three 5ft-high (1.5m) robots involved in the prison trial have been developed by the Asian Forum for Corrections, a South Korean group of researchers who specialise in criminality and prison policies. It said the robots move on four wheels and are equipped with cameras and other sensors that allow them to detect risky behaviour such as violence and suicide.

Prof Lee Baik-Chu, of Kyonggi University, who led the design process, said the robots would alert human guards if they discovered a problem.

Bloomberg Lied: Thousands Of OWS Library Books Missing, Feared Destroyed November 16, 2011

November 16, 2011
By

An updated post from the Occupy Wall Street Library reveals that there are thousands of books missing. Only 25 boxes of books have been recovered so far, and many of those are destroyed.

The OWS library people who have been to the garage where their property was supposedly being safely stored are reporting that it looks like the Mayor’s office lied about the status of their property. According to the Occupy Wall Street Library, “There are only about 25 boxes of books; many of the books are destroyed. Laptops here but destroyed. Can’t find tent or shelves.” Another report, “Many books destroyed. Most equipment -and structures missing. . . most of library is missing (ALL of the reference section btw), damaged or destroyed. “

From the Occupy Wall Street Library blog, “One of our librarians Zach came up with a partial list of what was taken (see below) and it’s looking like only a few boxes of books and our (destroyed) laptops and one chair were at Sanitation. Our people on the ground report that “A lot is destroyed . . . more may (or may not) be coming out of their giant trashpile at back of building.” But it’s obvious to me that by recklessly throwing the contents of the park into dumpsters, the NYPD and DSNY working under Bloomberg’s orders destroyed what we built. And that their claim that the library was “safely stored” was a lie.”

Among the unaccounted for library possessions are:

- Between 2,000 and 4,000 books (we’ll know if it looks right when we see it ), this includes five boxes of “Reference” materials many of which were autographed by the authors;
- 5 (4?) laptop computers;
- Our wifi device;
- Archival materials (I was starting to collect some stuff in the library);
- 7 (or so) chairs;
- a wooden dinner table (that was our’s right?);
- periodicals/newspapers/zines (not counted in our book total);
- our awesome tent;

Some of these items, like reference materials autographed by the authors, will be difficult to replace. The idea that a Mayor who has no respect for the First Amendment would for some reason respect the personal property of the protesters was odd yesterday, and is flat out laughable today.

I reported yesterday that over 5,000 books had been thrown in the trash in the raid. Other outlets believed the Mayor and claimed that the library was not thrown in the trash. It turns out that those folks made have made a mistake by believing Bloomberg. Michael Bloomberg has not been truthful about anything regarding Occupy Wall Street. The media should believe Mayor Bloomberg and his administration at their own risk.

Who knows the library may turn up safe and sound, but any rational person should find it difficult to believe that NYPD would worry about the protection of personal property during a raid. I suspect that, as reported above, the library is probably in a giant trash heap out back.

Let’s hope that the media has learned a valuable lesson.

The second richest man in New York (Mayor Bloomberg) serves the one percent first, and the truth second.

(This post will be updated as more information becomes available).

Image: Occupy Wall Street Library

Occupy Patriarchy Rome (Italy)

In Rome, activist women responded to the #occupypatriarchy call out initiated by the Occupy Wall Street Movement. The group, composed of students, precarious workers and migrants, marched through the city centre’s high streets on November 25, International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women.

Austerity is violence on the bodies of women

Recent reports and stats show how in Italy the new “welfare system” feeds on unpaid women’s work: the unpaid work of grandmothers looking after their grandchildren because nursery schools cannot be afforded, daughters supporting their elderly parents, mothers supporting their grown up children. With the cuts to social services the responsibility of that work falls on the women.

In these austere times, gender equality has become a “luxury item”. When the government seems to support policies on work/life balance, what they’re de facto supporting is the principle according to which a woman must undertake several jobs at the same time: all precarious, without the guarantees of the “official” job market, without wages and employment rights. This is violence masked up as austerity!

The crisis attacks every possibility of autonomy, self-determination and freedom of choice. This is, for example, the aim of the Tarzia Law, which wants to turn our formerly independent family planning centres into family and baby protection centres in the hands of non-qualified Catholic “advisers”. This goal has already been achieved in the region of Lazio, in what appears to be an experiment undertaken to legitimise the same savagery on a national scale. Independent family planning centres and abortion rights are an area of conflict on which women in Italy must keep fighting, especially with our new government and its Vatican friends.

Sources: articles by Collettivo Le Malefiche and Le Ribellule.

Original article on Italy Calling blog.

More NO TAV protests planned for December


More initiatives and protests being planned by the Italian NO TAV movement against a high speed rail line being built in the Susa Valley (Piedmont).

On November 24, the NO TAV movement held a public assembly in Bussoleno to discuss and plan December’s initiatives and protests. For more than 3 hours participants debated and exchanged views on the present state of the NO TAV struggle and future initiatives. More protests are planned in particular around the date of December 8, anniversary of the great victory of Venaus in 2005*. In 2005, the media pressure and the mobilisations were enough to make a very clumsy and churlish government yield. Today, the big difference is that the political and economic lobby behind the TAV project, after years of studying and observing the NO TAV movement, is much more ruthless. The current military occupation in the Susa Valley doesn’t excel in speed (to this date, no building has commenced, and the excavation sites are still occupied by the NO TAV), but it’s certainly determined: the fortified fences around the excavation sites have become a symbolic show of strength. December 8 2011 comes after 6 months of resistance in the area, where the conflict between the local NO TAV activists and the military is felt everyday.

The assembly opted for a double-protest day: a protest will take place around the fenced areas, while another group will be marching from Susa to the headquarters of Sitaf. Sitaf is a partly public company that manages one of the motorways from Turin and that de facto assisted the militarisation of the Valley by providing a corridor and technical help to the troops transferred from Turin.

Meanwhile, a few nights after the assembly, some NO TAV witches held a night-time coven, armed with very dangerous secateurs to cut the fence down. My favourite chant: “My nan was a partisan and she taught me that cutting down fences isn’t a crime There was some tension when the security forces started measuring the length of the cut in the fence with their batons (??!!), but they then left, and the witches circle ended unharmed.

* On 5/6 December 2005 the police and security forces violently evicted one of the permanent lookout posts in Venaus, injuring about 20 protesters. On the 8th the NO TAV had a massive march from Susa to Venaus and managed to establish a new lookout post. Following the clashes and pressure from the NO TAV movement, the government decided to put the works on hold.

Sources: articles from www.notav.info, no 1 and no2.

Original article on Italy Calling blog.

11 College Campuses with Major ‘Occupy’ Movements

Occupy Wall Street has been going on for months now, and although reactions to the movement are mixed, there are protest locations numbering somewhere near 1,000. Within that number are several college campuses that boast major Occupy movements, whether there’s a presence on campus, or simply very active students involved in their local Occupy chapter. There’s even an Occupy Colleges movement, formed to protest college tuition hikes amid staggering student loan debt. Like Occupy Wall Street, Occupy movements on college campuses have been met with mixed reactions, some finding great support in university administration, and others fighting an uphill battle. Read on, and we’ll take a look at the beliefs, incidents, and status of 11 college Occupy movements going on today.

  1. Occupy Duke: On the Duke University campus, students are getting involved in social activism. And although there is a local Occupy movement, Occupy Durham, students at Duke have decided to strike out on their own, citing issues with the Occupy Durham group, as well as a need to focus on problems within the university. Occupy Duke has created a peaceful camp on campus, offering a space to "create a platform for discussion." Occupy Duke member Anastasia Karklina shares, "A lot of students here are from different economic backgrounds, and this is a self expression, a way to protest and express the way you’re discontent with the way things are, so I don’t see it as occupying yourself or occupying a privileged institution." Faculty on campus at Duke have been primarily supportive, and have formed a group, calling themselves "Faculty in Solidarity." Duke administrators have permitted an indefinite campout, and the dean of students has praised the movement’s high level of commitment. Occupy Duke tries to have at least one faculty or staff member present at all times, and Occupy Duke member Maria Arias indicated that having a faculty member on hand helps students to better understand the arguments being made by Occupy Duke and the larger Occupy movement. "It’s a good cause, well worth supporting," Professor of Literature Kenneth Surin said.
  2. UC Berkeley: UC Berkeley’s Occupy camp has made the news recently, with an incident between protesters and police on Nov. 9. Berkeley’s Occupy demonstrators attempted to establish an encampment on campus, but it was dismantled, and protesters were pulled off the steps of the administration building, some with the use of batons. Previously, the university administration indicated that protesters could stay around the clock for a week, provided that the camp didn’t have any signs of people living there, such as tents and stoves. The protesters did not comply, and set up an Occupy Cal tent site. The resulting incident that followed as police attempted to dismantle the site has sparked a debate over whether the police reaction was acceptable, or went too far. Still, the incident and fervor that has been sparked only goes to show that Berkeley has a strong Occupy movement that is not going away any time soon.
  3. Seattle Central Community College: One might expect major protest movements to be centered on large universities, but in Seattle, a small community college is providing nighttime shelter to the city’s Occupy protesters, which now number somewhere between 100 and 200 overnight. The protesters, who have been through weeks of tension with Seattle’s city hall and police, agreed to move their tents to Seattle Central Community College, spending their nights on campus and days at protests occurring at Westlake Park. The group has promised not to interfere with academic activities, but the college has already decided they’d like the movement to leave. The college estimates that the demonstration is costing $20,000 a week, with reports of vandalism, and a need for additional security and cleaning crews. Demonstrators say they have no plans to move, while college administrators are researching legal ways to remove them from campus. Still, some in the college are finding a way to make use of the Occupy presence, with some professors hosting classes right in the camp. Professors offered their knowledge and resources, teaching protesters how to get their message across with history lessons, Martin Luther King letters, and more.
  4. Boston University: Students from Boston University have been an active part of the Occupy Boston movement. They typically get involved by meeting on campus at Marsh Plaza, and then marching together to join other protesters. On Nov. 8, about 30 students also set up their own overnight encampment at Marsh Plaza as a contingent of Occupy Boston, right next to the statue of Martin Luther King. They vacated the space the following morning, after police officials and the dean of students asked them to leave, citing the lack of a proper permit for protesting in the space. This is not the first bit of trouble BU students have run into with Occupy Boston. In mid-October, about a half dozen BU students were among the 141 Occupy Boston protesters arrested in a police confrontation. Originally, 100 students had marched to join the protest, and the college’s BU Occupies Boston page has more than 500 members.
  5. Auburn University: In early October, Occupy Wall Street found its way to Auburn University, as supporters began gathering at Ross Square on campus. The group has had good support even from the beginning, with over 200 people liking the Occupy Auburn Facebook page within its first week of existence, and by mid-October reaching more than 500 people. The group has spent time handing out leaflets at game days, discussing the movement, and gaining interest. The Occupy Auburn movement has been quick to point out that they don’t intend to be freeloaders, rather, they want to spread the wealth for others. On Oct. 28, the group gathered at Toomer’s Corner, displaying signs that shared phrases like, "I have a job and I Occupy Auburn." Feeling misunderstood, the group wants everyone to know that they’re not looking for a handout, but a level playing field. They’ve encouraged others to engage in local banking and shopping to help discourage corporate greed and bailouts.
  6. Brown University: Beginning in early October, Occupy College Hill has been a presence on the Main Green at Brown University. Initially, the group boasted about 60, and that number has held strong. One of the larger events held by the Brown University group was One Night Stand, in which Occupy College Hill and nearby Occupy Providence participants camped out the night before Brown University’s semi-annual meeting of the Corporation. The next morning, they confronted members of the Corporation, and shared discussions about grievances aimed at improving the university through teach-ins. Specifically, Occupy College Hill shared that they are concerned at the university’s lack of support for the Providence community, by not paying property taxes even though the university can afford to do so. Some of the university’s staff and faculty came out to show their support, including the chancellor, dean of the faculty, and associate dean for student life.
  7. University of New Mexico: The (Un)Occupy Albuquerque group at the University of New Mexico has already had lots of run-ins in its short life. In late October, the group had several incidents with authorities, including the arrest of a man threatening protesters with a knife, and paramedics called to the area to treat someone who had collapsed, and subsequently died. The university responded by citing a difficulty to determine who exactly was a part of the (Un)Occupy protest. (Un)Occupy Albuquerque held a funeral procession for the First Amendment, citing an apparent violation of their constitutional rights by UNM. The ACLU came to the group’s rescue, and they were issued a new permit after a new agreement was facilitated. In early November, UMN hosted an Occupy Wall Streed/Unoccupy Albuquerque teach-in, focusing on the issues underlying the Occupy Wall Street movement with speakers including UNM faculty, deans, students, community activists, and even New Mexico Senator Tim Keller.
  8. Oklahoma State University: At its inception, Occupy OSU identified itself as mainly a "group of people who are not afraid to go to jail," citing the very real possibility of arrest as a protester in the Occupy movement. But they haven’t let that possibility keep them quiet, with plenty of events that have already happened, and more planned with the intent to air their disagreements about what’s going on at Wall Street. In late October, Occupy OSU joined the Occupy Your Capitol effort, staging a demonstration at the Oklahoma City capitol building. The group has focused its efforts on being a part of larger movements within the state, joining up with Occupy OKC and offering help in the form of supplies and lending their numbers to larger demonstrations. OSU’s occupation plans to take their cause to the Payne County Courthouse in Stillwater to make their movement even more prominently known in Oklahoma.
  9. Humboldt State: Occupy Humboldt has found lots of support on campus, with several weeks of occupation at HSU on the Humboldt State Quad, and perhaps most interestingly, formal support from the Associated Students of Humboldt State University. On Oct. 17, a resolution from the Associated Students expressed support for the presence of Occupy Humboldt on campus, recognizing the constitutional rights of the occupiers, and calling on campus administration to allow occupiers to sleep and camp at the site. The camp on the HSU Quad has several tents, each with a purpose, including a library, first aid station, and sleeping quarters. The university has seemed to remain benign, and as of late October, reported seeing no need to confront participants or force them away. In fact, one HSU student and Occupy Humboldt organizer reports that the police have even been supportive.
  10. Occupy UCLA: On Nov. 9, Occupy UCLA made a huge stir when 11 students sat at the middle of Wilshire Boulevard, shutting down the street for two and a half hours. The students were arrested, but all were bailed out. In all, 200 protesters were there to make their voices heard. These particular students were protesting as part of ReFund California, protesting tuition hikes and service cuts at public universities in California. Previously, Occupy UCLA had pitched tents on campus at Bruin Plaza, but the campout was short-lived due to missing permits. Interestingly enough, the campus has also been home to another Occupy movement, Occupy UCLA Athletics, a group that has voiced its disenchantment with the UCLA football program.
  11. Occupy ISU: At Iowa State University, more than 200 people turned out to protest as part of the Occupy movement. The group has plans to make a difference at the state level, with the hope that a smaller movement can have a larger impact if applied at the right level. The Occupy ISU students made their voices heard by walking out of classes together and brandishing signs in solidarity, moving from the campus out onto the community streets. The students highlighted problems with school debt, and inability to find jobs after graduation, with one protester in particular wearing a box that shared, "My Student Debt is Boxing Me In." Other students shared their problems, highlighting the plight of so many: working multiple jobs with a full course load and struggling to pay tuition and rent. The group has more events planned, and has worked together with the local Occupy Ames group.

4th Humboldt Anarchist Book Fair December 10th, 2011 at the Manila Community Center

The 4th Humboldt Anarchist Book fair!

On DECEMBER 10TH, 2011 @ THE MANILA COMMUNITY CENTER, 1611 PENINSULA DR., ARCATA, CA 95521

Many radical publishers and important community Organiztions.

Already we have booked many presentations:

A high energy workshop by members of Crimethinc. based on their new book WORK. Capitalism Economics Resistance.

After so much technological progress, why do we have to work more than ever before? How is it that the harder we work, the poorer we end up compared to our bosses? When the economy crashes, why do people focus on protecting their jobs when no one likes working in the first place? Can capitalism survive another century of crises?

Our newest book, entitled Work, addresses these questions and a great many more. To answer them, we had to revisit our previous analysis of employment and develop a more nuanced understanding of the economy. We spent months studying obscure history and comparing notes about how we experience exploitation in our daily lives, slowly hammering out a grand unified theory of contemporary capitalism.

A presentation by Janet Harding Coauthor of The Ethical Slut: A Practical Guide to Polyamory, Open Relationships & Other Adventures by Dossie Easton and Janet Harding

Along with a presentation by Kristian Williams topic Anarchism and Oscar Wilde

Lauren Reagan From The Civil Liberties Defense Center will speak topic TBA

Critical Resistance

PRISONER SOLIDARITY AND PRISON ABOLITION

ANTI-Militarism Workshop

Anarchism and Agriculture by farmer Paul and other farmers

Deep Green Resistance, the movement.
Dillon, another DGR organizer and Premadasi Amada will speak at the Anarchist Book fair,

Deep Green Resistance is a new, radical environmental movement. DGR is for those who can’t wait anymore. For the heartbroken. For those who are tired of ineffective activism. For those who know the real world and are willing to do whatever it takes to protect it and restore it and ourselves. And
most importantly, for those who are willing to consider a new strategy. DGR has a plan of action for anyone determined to fight for this planet…and win.*

Industrial Workers of the World Bay area union organizer, Bruce Valde, will speak about his years

There are many Speakers and workshops we haven’t yet announced, but keep checking the site for up dates.

There will be 16 workshops in all.

If you, or an organization you’re a part of would like to table,present or help out at the book fair (or would like to help before); Please contact us as soon as you can Humboldtgrassroots@riseup.net

Vet's Day rally/11-14-11 Interviews with Vet's for Peace; Antifa; Occupy Eureka

Photo's of the Occupy Humboldt

Monday, November 28, 2011

The shocking truth about the crackdown on Occupy

US citizens of all political persuasions are still reeling from images of unparallelled police brutality in a coordinated crackdown against peaceful OWS protesters in cities across the nation this past week. An elderly woman was pepper-sprayed in the face; the scene of unresisting, supine students at UC Davis being pepper-sprayed by phalanxes of riot police went viral online; images proliferated of young women – targeted seemingly for their gender – screaming, dragged by the hair by police in riot gear; and the pictures of a young man, stunned and bleeding profusely from the head, emerged in the record of the middle-of-the-night clearing of Zuccotti Park.

But just when Americans thought we had the picture – was this crazy police and mayoral overkill, on a municipal level, in many different cities? – the picture darkened. The National Union of Journalists and the Committee to Protect Journalists issued a Freedom of Information Act request to investigate possible federal involvement with law enforcement practices that appeared to target journalists. The New York Times reported that "New York cops have arrested, punched, whacked, shoved to the ground and tossed a barrier at reporters and photographers" covering protests. Reporters were asked by NYPD to raise their hands to prove they had credentials: when many dutifully did so, they were taken, upon threat of arrest, away from the story they were covering, and penned far from the site in which the news was unfolding. Other reporters wearing press passes were arrested and roughed up by cops, after being – falsely – informed by police that "It is illegal to take pictures on the sidewalk."

In New York, a state supreme court justice and a New York City council member were beaten up; in Berkeley, California, one of our greatest national poets, Robert Hass, was beaten with batons. The picture darkened still further when Wonkette and Washingtonsblog.com reported that the Mayor of Oakland acknowledged that the Department of Homeland Security had participated in an 18-city mayor conference call advising mayors on "how to suppress" Occupy protests.

To Europeans, the enormity of this breach may not be obvious at first. Our system of government prohibits the creation of a federalised police force, and forbids federal or militarised involvement in municipal peacekeeping.

I noticed that rightwing pundits and politicians on the TV shows on which I was appearing were all on-message against OWS. Journalist Chris Hayes reported on a leaked memo that revealed lobbyists vying for an $850,000 contract to smear Occupy. Message coordination of this kind is impossible without a full-court press at the top. This was clearly not simply a case of a freaked-out mayors', city-by-city municipal overreaction against mess in the parks and cranky campers. As the puzzle pieces fit together, they began to show coordination against OWS at the highest national levels.

Why this massive mobilisation against these not-yet-fully-articulated, unarmed, inchoate people? After all, protesters against the war in Iraq, Tea Party rallies and others have all proceeded without this coordinated crackdown. Is it really the camping? As I write, two hundred young people, with sleeping bags, suitcases and even folding chairs, are still camping out all night and day outside of NBC on public sidewalks – under the benevolent eye of an NYPD cop – awaiting Saturday Night Live tickets, so surely the camping is not the issue. I was still deeply puzzled as to why OWS, this hapless, hopeful band, would call out a violent federal response.

That is, until I found out what it was that OWS actually wanted.

The mainstream media was declaring continually "OWS has no message". Frustrated, I simply asked them. I began soliciting online "What is it you want?" answers from Occupy. In the first 15 minutes, I received 100 answers. These were truly eye-opening.

The No 1 agenda item: get the money out of politics. Most often cited was legislation to blunt the effect of the Citizens United ruling, which lets boundless sums enter the campaign process. No 2: reform the banking system to prevent fraud and manipulation, with the most frequent item being to restore the Glass-Steagall Act – the Depression-era law, done away with by President Clinton, that separates investment banks from commercial banks. This law would correct the conditions for the recent crisis, as investment banks could not take risks for profit that create kale derivatives out of thin air, and wipe out the commercial and savings banks.

No 3 was the most clarifying: draft laws against the little-known loophole that currently allows members of Congress to pass legislation affecting Delaware-based corporations in which they themselves are investors.

When I saw this list – and especially the last agenda item – the scales fell from my eyes. Of course, these unarmed people would be having the shit kicked out of them.

For the terrible insight to take away from news that the Department of Homeland Security coordinated a violent crackdown is that the DHS does not freelance. The DHS cannot say, on its own initiative, "we are going after these scruffy hippies". Rather, DHS is answerable up a chain of command: first, to New York Representative Peter King, head of the House homeland security subcommittee, who naturally is influenced by his fellow congressmen and women's wishes and interests. And the DHS answers directly, above King, to the president (who was conveniently in Australia at the time).

In other words, for the DHS to be on a call with mayors, the logic of its chain of command and accountability implies that congressional overseers, with the blessing of the White House, told the DHS to authorise mayors to order their police forces – pumped up with millions of dollars of hardware and training from the DHS – to make war on peaceful citizens.

But wait: why on earth would Congress advise violent militarised reactions against its own peaceful constituents? The answer is straightforward: in recent years, members of Congress have started entering the system as members of the middle class (or upper middle class) – but they are leaving DC privy to vast personal wealth, as we see from the "scandal" of presidential contender Newt Gingrich's having been paid $1.8m for a few hours' "consulting" to special interests. The inflated fees to lawmakers who turn lobbyists are common knowledge, but the notion that congressmen and women are legislating their own companies' profitsis less widely known – and if the books were to be opened, they would surely reveal corruption on a Wall Street spectrum. Indeed, we do already know that congresspeople are massively profiting from trading on non-public information they have on companies about which they are legislating – a form of insider trading that sent Martha Stewart to jail.

Since Occupy is heavily surveilled and infiltrated, it is likely that the DHS and police informers are aware, before Occupy itself is, what its emerging agenda is going to look like. If legislating away lobbyists' privileges to earn boundless fees once they are close to the legislative process, reforming the banks so they can't suck money out of fake derivatives products, and, most critically, opening the books on a system that allowed members of Congress to profit personally – and immensely – from their own legislation, are two beats away from the grasp of an electorally organised Occupy movement … well, you will call out the troops on stopping that advance.

So, when you connect the dots, properly understood, what happened this week is the first battle in a civil war; a civil war in which, for now, only one side is choosing violence. It is a battle in which members of Congress, with the collusion of the American president, sent violent, organised suppression against the people they are supposed to represent. Occupy has touched the third rail: personal congressional profits streams. Even though they are, as yet, unaware of what the implications of their movement are, those threatened by the stirrings of their dreams of reform are not.

Sadly, Americans this week have come one step closer to being true brothers and sisters of the protesters in Tahrir Square. Like them, our own national leaders, who likely see their own personal wealth under threat from transparency and reform, are now making war upon us.

Sunday, November 27, 2011

Two Notes from Athens

A.G. Schwarz

November 17th and the ongoing struggle in Greece

Before Greece joined the eurozone, the country exported a considerable sum of manufactured goods to the Middle East and Eastern Europe. With the transition from the drachma to the euro, the export market collapsed, as it is known to do when the domestic currency increases in value. With the collapse of the exports, consumption began to exceed production, creating the inevitable accumulation of debt that in the last couple years has been signaled as a crisis and blamed on Greek administrative incompetence or political corruption. As the crisis on its political level comes to a head, Papandreou, the populist prime minister from the Socialist Party (PASOK) is forced to step down, PASOK forms a unity government with Nea Demokratia (ND, conservatives, other largest party of Greece), and appoints an interim prime minister, Papademos, the former president of the Greek Central Bank and vice president of the European Central Bank.

The doctors of the social body will always be entrusted to remedy the ills they have caused.

Greece is now ruled by an unelected government. People talk of the return of the “junta.” The politicians, meanwhile, talk of the timely arrival of a technocratic government. And the truth is, Greece may have been the last of the modern democracies in the world, governed by charismatic politicians who lead through the formulation of distinct ruling strategies. The two party unity government symbolizes a transition that has already occurred elsewhere, in which politics, if it exists, exists only as spectacle and ruse, and government becomes nothing more than the technical administration of the unified strategy based on a high-level consensus of Capital.

What role the KKE, possibly the last truly Stalinist party in Europe, and PAME, their trade union, will play in all this is uncertain, though for now they are sticking to the script they have enacted since the Treaty of Varkiza at the end of WWII—that of loyal opposition who reserve their greatest violence for the uncompromising enemies of social order. Whether they subsequently disappear, as technocratic states have no great need for powerful labor unions or loyal oppositional parties, or whether Greece proves to be a unique situation, is a question they don’t seem to be asking, content for the moment with attacking demonstrators, protecting parliament, and, on November 17, leading the demonstration to the traditional destination at the American Embassy, which constitutes a trap both in the ideological dead-end of anti-imperialism as substitute for anticapitalism, and on the urban terrain, with the neighborhood geography distinctly favoring the inevitable police attack, which every year quickly succeeds in clearing the demonstration away.

While the plaza occupation movement, when it arrived at Syntagma in Athens, constituted an opportunity for nationalists and the ideologues of democracy to gain visibility, it also provided an opportunity to challenge these tendencies, which was taken up by the relatively few anarchists who participated. Perhaps more importantly, the Syntagma occupation that lasted for several months througout the spring and summer of this year shifted the locale of street-fighting to the square in front of the parliament, involved many older people who were not participating in other spaces of protest and struggle, and constituted a chaotic space in which the hegemony of the leftist parties and unions was absent.

Whereas the December 2008 uprising predated the austerity measures and the more acute symptoms of the crisis, and was infused with a distinctly anarchist character, the subsequent social movements in response to the bank bailouts and the economic situation, growing largely in 2010, allowed the leftists and the unions to regain much of their lost relevance, while leaving the anarchists relatively flatfooted.

When the popular response to the economic crisis began to get out of control, the KKE and PAME took a more aggressive role in imposing order, from recuperators to repressors, taking on paramilitary functions alongside the police to protect the parliament building from attack during the October general strike, on one occasion closing off Syntagma square, and on another occasion attacking anarchists and other demonstrators with sticks. When some anarchists responded not with sticks and rocks but with molotov cocktails and an old Communist died, even though his death was caused by a heart attack from police tear gas, the Communists and the media collaborated to blame the “hooded ones.” Subsequently, the anarchist space and Greek society have been divided, some arguing that the role of the Communists as protectors of order is more clear than in the past, others believing that the anarchists have come off looking like fascists.

In any case, the conflict has had a clear result. KKE’s practical absence from the events of November 15–17, although perhaps not a surprise, comes as a shock, as in past years they often dominated the annual commemoration of the 1973 Polytechnic occupation and, on the last day, its brutal suppression by the military. The Polytechnic through much of the year is the haunt of the anarchists and the (extraparliamentary) Left. But starting on November 15, it is usually the KKE more than any other group that fills the campus with their tables and propaganda, and that controls the gates, often locking out rioters during the protests. This year, however, they had no tables and the most minimal presence, and on the 17th, the day of the yearly march to the parliament and the American Embassy, they held a separate demonstration. As a political party, they naturally wanted to avoid confrontations with the anarchists and the Left, because they have their sights set on institutional power and ultimately disdain the power that exists in the streets. This is why, wherever there is a critical anarchist intervention, recuperation is alwas self-defeating and must always start anew, often with new organizations leading the process.

Despite the vacuum opened by the KKE’s absence, the anarchists only had a small presence in the Polytechnic, with most of them choosing to set up their tables outside. Most anarchists voice the idea that the 17th is a day that belongs to the Left, with the anarchist role being that of critical minority, as they were during the occupation in 1973.

The major protest of the 17th was no different, with most organized anarchists choosing not to go, or to go with a “wait and see” attitude. Crowd estimates range from 20,000 to 50,000 or higher, though I am more convinced by the lower numbers. More importantly, everyone I spoke with agreed that it was a smaller demonstration than in past years. The anarchists in attendance were poorly organized, and early on dissolved as a specific block in order to mingle with the leftists, which given their vulnerability and the police preparedness that day was probably the wiser decision.

Some people, possibly anarchists, possibly hooligans, attacked police outside of Parliament, though they chose a poor moment to do so, when the march was stretched thin, and the police counterattack sent everyone running. More extended rioting took place outside the American Embassy and then later on Leoforos Alexandras, though in the latter case it was a very sparse crowd involved in the burning and rock throwing, and a charge by the Delta motorcycle police quickly cleared them away. The traditional night time rioting in Exarchia was also lighter than in past years, with a small crowd of only about fifty people finally gathering up the courage and craziness to attack the riot police detachment on Stournari, just above the Polytechnic. One could tell they were inexperienced– half of the molotovs went out before impact, and the rest were poorly aimed, whereas the one comrade with a crowbar for prying up paving stones was erratic in his production of ammunition, and when he finally set to work, he did so in the front of the crowd, rather than the back, so a simple police advance was all it took to lose the entire pile of stones. For an hour or less, trash fires burned and the occasional missile streaked towards the police, before finally the cops advanced, surrounded the square, and put an end to the trouble-making. It was a mediocre day: the minimum for a dignified presence in the streets, and a little bit of practice for newcomers, but no more.

Beyond the events of one specific day, the anarchist space of Athens continues to develop. The occupied park of Exarchia is now filled with flowers and olive trees, and has become ever more real than the mayor’s threats against it. Exarchia square is now free of junkies and drug dealers, and a more diverse and multigenerational crowd makes it their home. After the police were again kicked out, having temporarily occupied the square at the end of 2009, people saw how while police agents were reasserting state control over the neighborhood, neighbors were getting fined for trivialities and shopkeepers had to pay taxes and follow regulations again, but the number of drug dealers only increased, right under the cops noses. So after they kicked the police out, the neighborhood assembly pushed the dealers and junkies out, not with fists and sticks as anarchists have done in the past but with consistent persuasion.

As for the fascists, while they continue to be stronger, and more encouraged by the political system, than before December 2008, the phenomenon does not seem to be getting out of control. Some travellers reported that fascists now had a space in Exarchia, which would have constituted a major shift to the balance of power in Athens, but in fact they were mistakenly referring to Aghios Panteleimos, a neighborhood about twenty minutes walk from the center where fascists have been harassing immigrants with police protection since 2009.

On November 12, to share one anecdote, fascists held a public meeting in a square in Nikea, a neighborhood quite far from the center. The 700 anarchists, autonomists, trotskyists, and leftists who tried to occupy the square beforehand were foiled by a large police presence, but two fascists were sent to the hospital and the antifascists gave battle to the police, mounting a respectable challenge given that this was to be a calm riot—no smashings, no throwing of rocks, out of respect for the neighbors, with whom local antifascists were trying to strengthen their relationships. Of course, when the police charged, a number of rocks were thrown, although never in a hail, always from close range and on target, so that neighbors and their cars were not endangered. However, the one person to throw an ekinesos (plastic bottle of benzine ignited by a firework equivalent to a quarter or half stick of dynamite) overshot his mark and almost immolated a shopkeeper and parked motor bike, though evidently there were no hard feelings, as he subsequently came out and cursed the police while pouring water on the closest of the many tear gas grenades they had thrown.

The biggest change in the last couple years seems to be the absence of the strategic clarity that so many people in the Greek anarchist space seemed to have in the months after December, 2008. Now a great pall seems to hang over everything. On the one hand, this should be expected, if one acts on such clarity and moves into a new situation. On the other hand, many of the people I talked to seemed to refer to a common shortcoming when they mentioned—their language differing in accordance with their different political perspectives—a lack of revolutionary perspective, of vision, of imagination, of a plan to offer society now that everyone knows capitalism is fucked. This sentiment mirrors the analysis offered by several different veterans of the social war I talked with two years ago, who each in their own way said that December illustrated the strategic limits of the Greek anarchists, and the lack of a proposal for what to do once all the banks and police stations were burned. Two years later, the same weaknesses remain, unresolved despite the clarity with which they were illuminated. Generally, tradition is stronger than good intentions.

I was also surprised to hear that some of the most gung-ho or aggressive comrades were talking disparagingly of the focus on rioting, and arguing the need for greater organization, or other changes in the anarchist practice. One group of ardent street fighters I had interviewed in 2009, who then were rightfully celebrating the spread of anarchist tactics throughout all the youth, were now bemoaning the fact that anarchist ideas had not also spread.

“23.10″ (who gave an interview for the book) told me he thought it was a mistake, after December, to not create more anarchist infrastructure that would have allowed more new people to participate. He also said the increased reperssion has not been successful in weakening the anarchists but it has succeeded in spreading fear, as now everyone has friends who have been sent to prison for rioting, sabotage, arsons, bankrobberies, and other crimes. Without a doubt, there have been fewer attacks in 2011 than in past years.

“Vaggelis” was not alone in arguing for greater unity and greater organization in the Greek anarchist space. We discussed how in other contexts, the call for greater organization serves to mask a fundamental weakness and disconnection. This is the farce of the federation composed of various isolated groups and individuals with no connections other than to the federation itself. But in Greece, there are a large number of anarchist and antiauthoritarian nuclei with their own identities, their own self-sustaining practice, and in some cases, connections with larger communities. Perhaps in this context, and keeping present the lessons from past mistakes, an anarchist federation would rise above the politicking and conservatism that have wrecked most such organizations, and create new possibilities for struggle. To find out, the comrades would have to break with deeply entrenched habits.

It will be interesting to see if Greek anarchists break out of a mode that has served them well in the past, now that they are facing a radically changed situation. For anarchists in the rest of the world, though, the next sources of inspiration may come (and already is coming) from other places, far away and perhaps closer to home.

A response to the denunciations

In the last year, two denunciations of We Are an Image from the Future have come from people who gave interviews for the book. Because these concern the credibility of the work, I wanted to respond.

One denunciation comes from “Alkis,” who was upset because he did not know Void Network were also editors of the book, and his group and Void Network have a strong difference of political perspective. I was introduced to Alkis by a friend who is close to several people in Void and also friends with people in Alkis’ group. I assumed this mutual friend had informed Alkis that people from Void Network were coeditors of the book. This turned out not to be the case. I also tried to talk with Alkis about Void Network, but he declined that conversation, as he also makes clear in the letter he published. Unfortunately, the mutual friend who made the introduction is now in prison, making it all the more difficult to clear up the misunderstanding. At no point did I hide my friendship or association with members of Void Network.

However, as a critical comrade pointed out, the responsibility was entirely on my shoulders to make the details of the book absolutely clear, as the political divisions in the Greek anarchist space represent serious conflicts. I finally managed to meet with Alkis, and offer my apology for not making one hundred percent certain that he understood who else was working on the book with me. I explained that the confusion was not at all malicious or intentional. It did not help that the Greek word ekdido (εκδίδω) usually applies to publishing and editing, so when I was asked “Who is publishing the book?” and I answered “AK Press,” in English my answer was completely forthright, whereas translated back into Greek it becomes murky.

As I understand it, Alkis’ position is that he was willing to give an interview to a foreigner for a book to be published abroad, even though Void Network or other groups also had their texts in that book, but once the name of Void Network appears on the cover of the book, the political meaning and direction of the entire project changes.

At the time, I did not know that members of Void Network would want to put the name of their group on the cover of the book, that is, to claim their participation in the project as a group rather than as individuals. Having my differences with Void Network, I leaned against that decision, but in the end acquiesced. In any case, it probably would not have made a difference in this case, because as I understand it now Alkis only agreed to do the interview on the understanding that I was editing the book alone (something I could not have done, as the book would have been impossible without the background knowledge and contacts of my coeditors).

To make matters worse, Alkis should have received a copy of the book much sooner than he did. In fact, it was months after the free copies arrived in Greece that the friend who was supposed to distribute these copies finally did so, and in the meantime Alkis had already paid to have a copy shipped to him, and only in this way did he find out definitively that Void were also named as editors of the book. This constitutes a lack of respect, and could only add to the impression that we were giving him the run around.

Out of respect for Alkis, I recommend that people read his interview in its entirety and separately from the rest of the book. It is available on the internet.

The more serious denunciation, from Panagiotis Kalamaras, contains the accusation that he never gave an interview with us, and that we falsified the one that appears in the book under his name. This accusation came as a great shock, as I conducted the interview myself, along with Tasos Sagris, and at the end of our talk I specifically asked Kalamaras what name he wanted to use, expecting a false name as was the habit with most other people we spoke to. Not only did he ask us to include his first and last name, he also specified that we should add the name of his publishing group.

After hearing of his accusation, I contacted a third comrade who was present that day, but not involved in the making of the book. I asked him if there had been any room for misunderstanding, and he told me he was equally surprised by Kalamaras’ letter and remembered the interview the same as I had. Tasos believes Kalamaras thought his interview would be a source for an article on the historical background of the Greek anarchist space, and not an essay to be published separately, though we did explain that the structure of the book would consist of separate interviews, that we would not attempt to synthesize the various perspectives but let each one speak in its own voice.

But while checking up, I also learned of a serious mistake on our part. After each interview was transcribed and edited, we presented the draft to the person in question to allow them to make changes. All the interviews that went into the book were divided up between me and my coeditors to be checked in this way. It turns out that the person who was supposed to get Kalamaras’ approval for his interview never did so, meaning Kalamaras never had a chance to make changes or corrections. I asked the comrade who was supposed to send Kalamaras the draft of his interview to apologize, but I don’t know if that will happen in the end. A common opinion I’ve heard is that in Greece, it is less common for such disputes to go from mistake to criticism to apology or denial, and more common for offenses to be followed by exaggerated accusations and denunciations, which are in turn met with a detente, all bridges having been burned. The Greek anarchist space is constantly fragmenting, and from what I have seen, new fractures are typically announced by a bright flash of strong words and then permanent silence, as the disputing parties subsequently avoid each other and maintain a permanent distance.

In any case, Kalamaras does not approve of the interview he gave us, and as he had no opportunity to edit or withdraw it, it cannot and should not be attributed to him. On the other hand, his dramatic accusation (which also included the rumor that I might be a CIA agent) should not reflect on the credibility of the book, but on his idea of an appropriate and mature response to an editorial error.

On the other hand, it has been encouraging to hear that multiple anarchist and antiauthoritarian groups here appreciated the book. The Greek anarchist space is highly fragmented and some of its different theoretical nuclei are extremely competitive in advancing their respective analyses. Most people who agreed to give interviews specified that they thought it was a valuable project to be published abroad, but they would not participate in a similar project intended for the Greek anarchist space. Over fifty people participated in this book with interviews or translations, people who between them have some very strong divisions, and although it was clear to all of us that this book was not being made for them, it is good to know that many of them were satisfied with the final product.

This does not negate the substance of the criticisms, but it does put them in perspective. The two mistakes we made, with regards to Alkis and Kalamaras, are serious, but I want to make clear that they were not the results of carelessness or dishonesty. The book represents an extremely complicated project undertaken over a difficult, dangerous, and highly charged year of struggle. Aside from strongly differing historical and strategic analyses, there are also accounts of illegal acts of struggle, made not in a sensationalist way but a way that may allow the extension of similar acts. Many people took a risk in spreading these words, and I am glad that the few mistakes we did make did not compromise this aspect of the project.

Ultimately, We Are an Image from the Future was only ever intended for people outside of Greece. The purpose was to share revolutionary lessons from Greece with comrades abroad, to document an important episode in our collective history, and to study what factors lead to an insurrection, how anarchists can continue to draw strength from the insurrection once the most visible fires have died down, and what strategic limitations are encountered in the insurrection. All of the critical responses from English-speaking comrades so far have been encouraging.

However, if the Greek anarchist space is a broad cosmos of nuclei that fission and fusion, sometimes leaving great enmity and distance, the American anarchist space—the primary audience for the book—is a high school cafeteria, replete with gossiping, status-jockeying, and the occasional food fight. Within this space, some of the responses have not been critical, but indirect, and I think it is important to respond.

A few of these have evinced the maturity of the riot tourist, who understands the insurrection as a simple outburst of noise and smoke, limited in time and space. One commentator opines that I “missed” the insurrection and consoled myself by trying to make a book of it afterwards. In this view, the important thing is to hop on a plane and to go to where the action is at, rather than sow the seeds of insurrection before and after the major riots, and to work for the extension of the revolt in other countries where the situation is less exciting. It would have been extremely easy for me to go to Athens within the first days—I had friends there, a place to stay, and the possibility of a cheap plane ticket—but I specifically chose to stay where I was to work for the extension of the revolt, in solidarity with the Greek insurrection, and to go there later specifically to analyze the post-insurrectionary moments that anarchists know so little about.

Other indirect responses have manifested in the spreading of rumors, perhaps by people who had been to Greece once or twice, thrown a molotov cocktail or two, and now felt their monopoly of Greece points challenged by a book that attempted to spread and share anarchist experiences of struggle, to bring the insurrection everywhere.

Some rather silly rumors targeted me, but the truth is I would rather have a bad reputation among low quality people.

More serious were the rumors circulated against Void Network. Aside from the typical and farfetched accusation that they talk with police or media, the general tone of the rumors was that they “not the real Greek anarchists,” which again gives the impression of people who profoundly misunderstand the Greek anarchist space. There is no homogeneity or common ground among the anarchists, antiauthoritarians, libertarians, and anti-state communists who make up this space. Some US anarchists have expressly created the image of an insurrectionary Greek anarchist who is the personification of the ideas of Bonano and other Italian comrades. This is especially erroneous, as Italian insurrectionary anarchism has been a minor influence in Greece. Few of the texts by Bonanno, Cavalieri and the others have been translated into Greek (“At Daggers Drawn” only came out recently) and after Bonano’s last talk in Greece, most of the comrades agreed that he was impractically abstract. The Greek space is much more fragmented than this, for better and for worse. There is no “real Greek anarchist.” Even Alpha Kappa, decidedly uncool among insurrectionary anarchists abroad, are more radical in some of their positions and more extreme in many of their actions than the most dedicated readers of 325.

I find myself in the strange position of defending Void Network, when I have strong political disagreements with them. These disagreements can be useful when based in their actual practice. Without a doubt, Void Network’s politics are eccentric, but many of the local criticisms against them are equally foreign to the American anarchist space. One group of anarchists, for example, denounces them for selling beer at parties, including fundraisers, even though this money goes to pay for the costs of the festivals or to pay for propaganda, and never into their own pockets. The question of commercialization in the anarchist space is a necessary one, but I wonder how many anarchists outside of Greece are against any form of selling. Others criticize them for placing a major focus on organizing free festivals, illegal street parties and other cultural activities (many of which devolve into riots), and I wonder how many anarchists in the US or the UK, where Reclaim the Streets and electro-communism have played important roles in reclaiming space and creating opportunities for confrontation, could unhypocritically make this criticism? Other comrades here criticize them for a superficial or false analysis. Should US comrades actually take up this debate and base it in a critical reading of Void Network texts, it would make for an interesting conversation.

The book, I had hoped, would be controversial. It does, after all, include divergent and conflicting points of view. It would be much more useful for all of us if that controversy took the form of criticism and debate, rather than rumors and popularity contests. In all likelihood, the rumors are the result of a small number of hipsters and internet trolls, though the approach to struggle and social ideas on the basis of coolness and popularity are much more generalized (one American comrade didn’t even want to be seen in Athens with certain former comrades, worried that it would hurt her status, and again misunderstanding the way political divisions work here). I think this cultural characteristic, which is also criticized by many other American comrades, is one of the most pernicious obstacles to the development of a stronger struggle there.

The greatest response to this book, and the true spirit of anarchy, can be found in those cities that have critically incorporated some lessons from Greece with their ongoing collective experiences, to take inspiration without mimicking, and where now the anarchist struggle is stronger and more mature than it has been in anyone’s memory. Already, these cities are starting to inform and inspire anarchists in other countries, eroding the monopoly that Greece has held over our attentions, and showing that we can find fertile ground for anarchy wherever we dare.

Occupies raided, Social services cut.

As cities around the country have swept Occupy Wall Street camps from their plazas and parks in recent weeks, a number of mayors and city officials have argued that by providing shelter to the homeless, the camps are endangering the public and even the homeless themselves.

Yet in many of those cities, services for the homeless are severely underfunded. The cities have spent millions of dollars to police and evict the protesters, but they've been shutting down shelters and enacting laws to prohibit homeless from sleeping overnight in public.

In Oakland, Atlanta, Denver and Portland, Ore., there are at least two homeless people for every open bed in the shelter system, according to the most recent data from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. In Salt Lake City, Utah, and Chapel Hill, N.C. -- two other cities that have evicted protesters from their encampments -- things are better but far from ideal. In Chapel Hill, according to the HUD study, there are 121 beds for 135 homeless people, and in Salt Lake City, 1,627 for 1,968.

Heather Maria Johnson, a civil rights attorney at the National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty, said most cities in the U.S. lack adequate affordable housing, emergency or transitional housing, or other social services for people who are either homeless or are in danger of losing their homes. "This was true before the current economic crisis and remains true today, particularly in areas that have cut social services due to budget concerns," Johnson said.

According to HUD, job losses and foreclosures helped push more than 170,000 families into homeless shelters in 2009, up nearly 30 percent from 2007. Of course, those are some of the same problems that have inspired people to protest.

ATLANTA

After Atlanta's Mayor Kasim Reed forcibly evacuated Occupy Atlanta from a public park, protesters moved into a homeless shelter. As it turned out, the shelter had been tied up in court battles with the city for a few years, and the city had planned to close it. The shelter was scheduled to be shut down a few days after the protesters moved in, but that date has since been postponed indefinitely and protesters have taken up the shelter's cause.

Local stakeholders -- including city officials, the local business development group Central Atlanta Progress, Emory University and other business interests -- have been trying to boot the Task Force homeless shelter from its home as it sits on a valuable piece of real estate.

The fight between the shelter and its opponents goes back at least to 2008. In a recent court case, the task force that runs the shelter contended that Emory University had been trying to rid their area of the shelter for years. Emails released in court show that officials from Emory approached major private donors to the task force to make their case against the shelter, and that they talked with investors about foreclosing on it. And in recent weeks, the shelter has fought the city to prevent local authorities from turning off their water.

Some point out that the media has been paying more attention to the shelter's troubles since the protesters' arrival. Earlier this month, the county told a local TV station that tuberculosis had broken out at the shelter. Protesters told HuffPost that they thought these claims were bogus.

One protester, Tim Franzen, said he'd been living in the shelter for weeks and had yet to see signs of anyone getting sick. He described the claim as an attempt to smear the Occupation and the shelter.

So did Shab Bashiri, another protester. "The city wants to shut it down with absolutely no alternative," she said. According to Bashiri, the protesters had not only been "occupying" the shelter but had also been sleeping outdoors in areas where homeless people stay.

The shelter is the largest in the southeast, housing more than 1,000 people on some nights. "The city doesn't have the infrastructure to deal with 1,000 people," Franzen said. "So where would they go? We don't know."

Atlanta has been flagged as one of the worst cities nationally in which to be homeless and has the widest income gap between rich and poor.

Many protesters argue that the city should fund the shelter with the money they've spent on dealing with the protest. The mayor's office reports they spent nearly $500,000 in just two weeks dealing with Occupy Atlanta, most of it on overtime pay for police. Maurice Lattimore, who helps run the shelter, said $500,000 could fund the shelter easily for two years. He noted that the city hasn't put any money into the shelter's coffers since the court battle began three years ago.

The Atlanta mayor's office did not respond to a request for comment.

PORTLAND

In Portland, Ore., Mayor Sam Adams said despite his support for the Occupy movement's principles, the Portland camp was getting dangerous. After the eviction, the mayor pointed to the presence of homeless people and people with mental illnesses. Nearby businesses had been pressuring him with claims that homeless residents were scaring away customers.

Judas James, a member of Occupy Portland who is himself homeless, said the protesters have tried to help homeless people who sought shelter with them by providing food, medical attention, tents and blankets.

"If there was money there for them, these people could be taken care of," James said. "It's hard because we want everyone to be safe, and we just don't have the resources to help them with it."

If the city were to take care of them using the money they've spent to pull down tents and clean up the park, it would amount to nearly $850,000, according to data from Mayor Adams' office.

Adams has acknowledged that the Occupy Portland movement has highlighted the city's homelessness problem, and said he supports a lot of the protesters' positions.

The city has invested $13 million towards relieving homelessness in the past five years and has devised a long-term plan to combat the problem. Yet, in an attempt to climb out of a budget hole of over $3 billion, Oregon has slashed its funding for social services by more than $73 million.

Amy Ruiz, a spokesperson for the mayor, wrote in an email that "providing social services and maintaining peace are not mutually exclusive. The City must, and does, do both." Ruiz pointed out that several nonprofit organizations, which receive money from state and local governments, had moved several dozen homeless people out of the Occupy camps into shelters, motels and other "lower-impact, and safer, camps."

Ruiz said more than 20 outreach workers representing at least seven organizations reached out to the homeless at the encampments before shutting them down.

Dennis Lundberg, an outreach worker, told Adams that the camp was doing more harm than good to Portland's street youth, who preferred the camp to the shelter system because they could reap the benefits of free meals without submitting to the sorts of rules imposed by the shelters.

DENVER

In October, Denver Mayor Michael Hancock came out in support of new legislation that would ban homeless people from sleeping in public places overnight.

"We only have one downtown," Hancock said at the time. "We cannot afford to lose our city core. If people don't feel safe going downtown, that is a threat to the very vitality of our downtown and our city."

A couple weeks later, Hancock said he didn't want to allow protesters to set the precedent for sleeping in tents in the public parks. This was a prelude to Denver sending in riot police to evict the protesters.

Johnson, the civil rights attorney with the NLCHP, said the organization has noticed a nationwide increase in laws that criminalize homelessness, including laws that prohibit sleeping, sitting or storing belongings in public spaces, even when there is insufficient shelter space.

She argued these criminalization measures cost far more to municipalities than providing adequate shelter to people. Citing studies conducted in 13 cities and states, she said that it costs on average $87 per day to jail someone, compared to $28 per day to house them in a shelter. "With state and local budgets stretched to their limit, it's profoundly irrational to waste taxpayer money on these expensive criminalization policies," she said.

According to Revekka Balancier, the communications director of the homeless outreach program Denver Road Home, the city's homeless shelters are at capacity every night, and many have long waiting lists. And she noted that the city's homeless population is growing. A report from 2009 found that 10,604 people were living on the streets and in area shelters on the night the survey was conducted. By 2011, that number had increased by 6.5 percent, to 11,377.

A spokesperson for the mayor said that the city works with Denver Road Home and other organizations to "comprehensively address the needs of our homeless population."